Saturday 8 October 2011

Implementing the resolution By Khali Aziz

US Defence Secretary Leon Panetta who threatened that the US would attack the Haqqani network if Pakistan failed to act.
Later, Adm Mike Mullen, the most senior US military leader, poured more oil on the fire by remarking at a special hearing in the US Senate: “….the Haqqani network [is] a potent part of the insurgency battling American forces in Afghanistan”, and a “veritable arm” of Pakistan’s ISI.
He also accused the agency of supporting an attack on the US embassy in Kabul, perpetrated by Haqqani militants last month.
These assertions were rejected by Pakistani leaders during the All-Party Conference (APC) held in response to the charges; except for Mr Nawaz Sharif and Mr Achakzai, other political representatives considered the military and the ISI to be blameless.
Recently, Afghan President Hamid Karzai called off the peace talks with the Taliban after the assassination of Burhanuddin Rabbani. Afghan elements are implicating Pakistan in the murder. President Karzai commented, “I cannot find the Taliban council. Where is it? I don’t have any other answer except to say that the other side for this negotiation is Pakistan.” Others are projecting the murder to be a red-herring operation to sabotage the peace talks, as Mr Rabbani was reportedly being supported in his efforts by Pakistan.
The APC was held in Islamabad on Sept 29 under the shadow of these charges. Participants at the conference rejected allegations that Pakistan was responsible for the killings of US troops and offered unqualified support to the military “in defeating any threat to national security”.
Whether through oversight or otherwise, the APC made no reference to either the Taliban or Al Qaeda. Neither did it mention the threat posed by these parties to the Pakistani state or international security. Instead, with a remarkable display of collective amnesia in terms of earlier peace talk failures, the conference recommended further talks with “our own people in the tribal areas”.
The APC offered full support to Pakistan’s defence forces and vowed to protect national sovereignty and “national interest”.
The conference also urged the implementation of earlier parliamentary resolutions, passed in October 2008 and May 2011, on the insurgency.
Will the declaration by the APC have any bearing on Pakistan’s anti-insurgency policies? It may be noted that the APC is at best a meeting of political stakeholders. Any declaration made by this forum has no binding force, at best indicating national unity in the face of a potentially threatening situation.
While it provided comfort to the beleaguered military and ISI, some commentators suggest that no reforms are likely to emerge from these discussions and work will continue in as directionless a manner as earlier. That is sad indeed, because a frank and open discussion between the civil and military leadership during the APC could have steered Pakistan towards better outcomes. That, unfortunately, did not happen.
What is unfolding amounts to a game-changer for the whole region. The events transpiring now are not random occurrences and should be viewed as a crossroads that will lead to different outcomes depending on the choices we make as a nation.
Pakistan has the option to follow any of the possible trajectories.
Today’s events are the result of decisions made by prominent players in the region — the US, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India.
This is not to say that other nations such as Iran, China, Russia or others are irrelevant; they will have a bearing on the future.
Yet what should be noted is Pakistan’s limited flexibility.
Most Pakistanis may have been hurt by Adm Mullen’s comments but sober reflection suggests that his statement were perhaps underpinned by frustration for failing to bring about a shift in Pakistan’s security paradigm towards more positive outcomes.
These include peace in Afghanistan and enhancing international security. In this sense, Adm Mullen may have done Pakistan a service by defining the correct course.
If Pakistan wants to make itself secure, the implementation of Clause IX of the APC’s declaration will be important. According to it, “Pakistan shall continue to endeavour to promote stability and peace at the regional and global planes, in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law”. An implementation framework for achieving this goal would go some way towards countering the stringent criticism facing us and as described by Maulana Fazlur Rehman: “…the US [may] bring a resolution in the UN against Pakistan’s nuclear programme or declare it a terrorist country.” These are dangerous possibilities.
If the recommendations of the APC are to become the work of government, then the resolution must be taken through the National Assembly under Chapter XV of its procedural codes. It must be transformed into midterm strategy with an implementation plan that is monitored by an all-party steering committee, so that the necessary directions are provided to ministerial implementing divisions.
This would constitute an institutional approach that allows also for the political control of anti-terrorism and counter-insurgency policies.
It is likely that Clause II and III will cause the greatest challenge. These direct the signing of peace deals with those challenging the Pakistani state in the tribal areas. Peace deals have not worked before, so what has changed now to suggest that they will henceforth succeed? Moreover, the wording of the resolution does not include negotiating peace in Swat with the militants.
If further steps for the implementation of the resolution are ignored, the convening of the APC may turn out to be just another exercise in rhetoric.
The writer is chairman of the Regional Institute of Policy Research in Peshawar.

The IK factor By Cyril Almeida

IT looks and sounds almost biblical. Pestilence has descended on Lahore, swaths of the country have plunged into darkness, life as we know it may be coming to an end soon.
Thank God for the politicians and comic relief.
Less ‘après moi, le déluge’ — after me, the deluge — and more ‘nous sommes le déluge’ — we are the deluge — our pols are up in arms again.
They are shaking fists, bumping bellies, raging and pontificating. The PML-N wants the PPP gone, the PPP is mocking the N-League, the political waters are churning again.
And the man who may have triggered it all, Imran Khan, is serenely going about his business, heaping scorn on all sides and surging ahead in popularity.
To understand Pakistani politics, you have to keep two things in mind.
One, little of what any politician has to say publicly has anything to do with what’s really on his mind.
Two, some laws of politics are immutable.
Start with the second proposition. You don’t lose an election to poor performance, you lose an election to another candidate.
Despite the rains in Sindh and dengue in Lahore, those areas are bastions of the PPP and the PML-N respectively and it’s hard to see them being meaningfully challenged there by other parties or candidates.
So you can scratch that as a serious electoral concern.
Now to the first proposition. You’ve heard the PML-N verbally pummel the PPP and you’ve seen the Shujaat faction of the PML-Q momentarily try and put some distance between itself and the PPP.
To hear the PPP’s rivals/ allies tell it, they are simply fed up with the PPP’s misgovernance and just want things to get better.
If you believe any of that, you might also want to peer out the nearest window to see if you can spot a flying pig.
The N-League is the same party that hasn’t been able to control a mosquito in Lahore and the PML-Q, well, the years 2002-08 should be enough to tell you everything about their good governance model.
So why is the N-League in particular so agitated suddenly?
If you google ‘Gujranwala, Sept 25, PTI’, you may get part of the answer.
That pesky fool Imran Khan seems to be attracting voters in Punjab, particularly urban but also rural.
The build-up has been happening away from the headlines of the mainstream Punjab-based media because it is either in the pocket of the Sharifs or loathe to antagonise the powerful N-League which is known to be vindictive and tough in its dealings with the media.
To be sure, IK and his PTI jalopy aren’t quite a juggernaut yet, but they have been quietly picking up steam. And on Sept 25, they roared into Liaquat Bagh in a jalsa that would have set the alarms ringing in the PML-N camp.
The hawks in the N-League have long been chafing against the more pacifist policy of their boss, but earlier weren’t able to convince Nawaz otherwise.
Now, with a new party, the PTI, arriving in the N-League’s backyard and making many of the noises the PML-N hawks think they should be making themselves to hold on to their constituencies, the hawks appear to have finally goaded their boss into action.
So the pummelling of the PPP has begun, to keep the N-League voter onside and away from the wiles of the PTI seductionists.
Why the roundabout route of attacking the PPP to keep the N-League voters from breaking for the PTI?
Because a direct attack on the PTI would both boost the profile of Imran Khan’s bunch of do-gooders and signal that the N-League feels threatened. In politics, the perception of weakness can become reality if exposed too early. And it’s a time-honoured strategy of politics to bash the incumbents to boost one’s own electability.
Frankly, until the arrival of the interloper Imran Khan, the next elections were looking quite dreary.
Electoral gridlock in much of the country — PPP dominating in interior Sindh; MQM in Karachi; KP split between the ANP, PPP and JUI-F; urban and central Punjab dominated by the PML-N — had left the big players eyeing another coalition government in which the fate of south Punjab would likely decide who would lead at the centre.
Punjab and its various regions were supposed to be the stage for an overall three-way contest between the PML-N, the Q-League and the PPP, with Imran Khan and his PTI playing the role of the spoiler in a first-past-the-post system. Votes matter little unless they translate into seats and the big boys were supposed to have had a lock on the seats.
But the plucky outsider with the demagogic populism seems to have tapped into a vein of unhappiness with the status quo that everyone knew was there but doubted whether it could be channelled politically by a new force.
Even now, whether Imran Khan knows how to translate a crowd at a campaign rally into votes at the ballot box remains to be seen. The pundits, though, are slowly becoming believers. Between KP and Punjab, there is talk of him picking up anywhere between a dozen and 30-plus seats.
A victory for democracy and the believers in transition, then? Not if politics means coming up with meaningful solutions to serious problems. IK has about as much of a clue on how to steer Pakistan out of crisis as AZ, NS, the judiciary or the army.Still, it is fun to see the big boys get hot under their collar a bit.
The writer is a member of staff.

An electrifying failure

An electrifying failure
THE acute power crisis gripping Pakistan’s cities, towns and villages is a colossal failure of governance. Given that it is estimated to cost three to four per cent of GDP a year in direct costs alone (such as output loss), larger than the estimated losses from terrorism, the power crisis is by far the biggest constraint facing the economy — and has been for three years, if not more.
However, its pernicious effects have spread far beyond the economy, as it tears into the social fabric and the daily routine of 20 million Pakistani households each and every unrelenting day (and night).
Despite delivering such massive suffering and exacting such a huge cost over a prolonged period, the inertia and criminal negligence displayed by the ‘awam dost’ government (the PPP and its allies) on an existential issue for millions of households beggars belief.
Scale
Different estimates of the economic loss caused by the energy crisis are fairly similar in magnitude — around three per cent of GDP per annum. Having being involved in the first of these (for the Economic Survey 2009-10), it was clear that we were operating with a conservative estimate since it was based on reported economic activity. Adjusting for the estimated size of the undocumented economy, the total economic loss is closer to four per cent of GDP a year — or, roughly a staggering Rs800bn every year. Following from this, the cumulative loss to the economy in terms of foregone value addition since 2008 amounts to a colossal Rs3tr.
The impact on jobs has been severe. Using the employment elasticity calculated by the Planning Commission, the ‘foregone’ GDP (the value of goods and services the economy would have otherwise generated) of almost 15 percentage points since 2008 translates into ‘lost jobs and employment opportunity equal to 4.1 million — equivalent to roughly 7.5 per cent of the labour force.
In addition to these direct and visible costs, the lingering and unaddressed energy crisis has introduced systemic risks for the budget, for the banking system — and for foreign investors. Having been associated with the board of one of the largest foreign investments in the country in the energy sector, I have seen first-hand the level of angst and frustration the circular debt has caused to leading foreign companies — and how it has not just put off new investment, but jeopardised existing investment.
Causes
While a number of factors have conspired to trip up the power sector in the past few days — the water situation, shutdown of Chashma, higher mean temperature, an intensification of circular debt — its basic and recurring cause is structural in nature.
A progressively heavier reliance on thermal generation, at a time of declining gas and water availability, has exposed power-generation companies to a huge shock to their cost structure — the price of imported fuel oil has rocketed from around Rs21,000 in 2008 to over Rs72,000 per metric ton currently. With electricity tariffs not keeping pace, and line losses rising, Pepco’s ability to pay fuel suppliers has been severely compromised. This shock has been transmitted along the line (PepcoÕIPPs, SSGC, SNGPLÕrefineries, OGDCL, PPL).
Power-sector experts had begun warning the previous government since 2003 of a looming energy crisis by around 2007 — to no avail. Not only was new generation capacity not added to the system — despite pursuing a professed ‘growth model’ of promoting consumerism in the country — new investment in upgrading the transmission and distribution network was also not accorded priority.
In fact, the economic team of the Musharraf government (Messrs Shaukat Aziz, Salman Shah and Ashfaque Hassan Khan) were so sold on consumerism as Pakistan’s deliverance that they diverted a precious and declining resource — natural gas — from the power sector to fuel private cars as CNG. In addition, to win popularity, the government froze power tariffs between 2003 and 2007, sounding the death knell for the financial viability of the sector.
Remedies
Howsoever intractable it may seem, the energy crisis has remedies, including solutions that will mitigate the suffering of electricity consumers in the very short run. Broadly, these fall under four categories:
1)    Making power generation cheaper — in the short run, making additional gas available by diversion from CNG, fertiliser and the domestic sector will be required;
2) Implementing a credible ‘energy conservation’ strategy (already prepared);
3) Improving governance:
a. Ensuring system losses on account of outright theft are reduced from current 15-17 per cent (Karachi’s MQM strongholds are reportedly top of the pile in non-payment, matching Fata);
b. Ensuring recovery of past dues (with the revival of the federal adjustor’s office that was set up in the Ministry of Finance to net off budget releases to non-paying government entities);
c. Expediting the corporate restructuring of the power sector (with the PM being the biggest stumbling block to bringing ‘clean boards’ since March 2010);
4) Moving towards a cost-recovery tariff
Such an approach was tabled by the prime minister’s Economic Advisory Council (EAC) in 2008, and again by experts in the ‘energy summit’ in April 2010. In both cases, the government has not followed up on recommendations of its own committees for over two years, compounding the severity of the problem. One reason is that implementing these recommendations have painful trade-offs, some of which could be politically difficult.
In conclusion, over two months ago, when I wrote in this newspaper that “the energy chain is close to collapse” due to the unresolved circular debt, a leading apologist of the government wrote in response that a sense of crisis was deliberately being manufactured. Hopefully, this idiotic and blinkered attitude will now be put to rest, and a sense of realism and urgency introduced in providing a modicum of electricity — if not governance.
The writer heads a macroeconomic consultancy based in Islamabad.

Family planning and Islam - By Asghar Ali Engineer

Family planning and Islam - By Asghar Ali Engineer
MANY people, especially women, have asked me if family planning is permissible in Islam. They say the imams and ulema say the Quran prohibits family planning and quote a verse which says, “And kill not your children for fear of poverty — We provide for them and for you. Surely the killing of them is a great wrong” (17:31).
In no way does this verse refer to family planning because it is talking of ‘killing’ and you kill one who exists. No law in the world will permit killing one who is already born and hence the Quran rightly condemns the killing of children. Some people suggest that the verse in question refers to the practice of burying girl children alive and when asked they would say they could not provide for them and hence Allah responds that He provides for them.
Imam Razi suggests the verse refers to both male and female children being kept ignorant. Thus killing them has not been used as in killing the body but the mind which is as bad as killing the body. The word used here is ‘awlad’ i.e. children, which includes both male and female.
Imam Razi’s suggestion seems to be quite reasonable and in fact a large family means children cannot be properly educated by poor parents and hence parents ‘kill’ them mentally by keeping them ignorant.
They cannot even clothe them properly nor can they provide proper living space. In such circumstances one cannot raise quality human beings, and quantity does not matter much. That said, we should understand that at the time of the revelation of the Quran, the problem of family planning did not exist, nor did the need for population control.
It is a modern problem which has arisen in our time. Most nation states in the developing world do not have the economic means to support large populations, and when we say supporting large populations it does not mean only feeding them but also includes education and the provision of proper health services. These are the basic duties of modern nation states.
In fact, in view of the paucity of resources, it has become necessary to adopt family planning. When the Quran was being revealed there was neither any properly organised state nor education nor health services being provided by a state agency.
It is important to note that the Quran, which shows eight ways to spend zakat, does not include education or health which is so essential for the state to provide today. Thus what Imam Razi suggests is not only very correct but also enhances the importance of family planning in modern times as a small family can support better education and health services.
It would be interesting to note that as for verse 4:3 (which is used by Muslims for justification of polygamy) Imam Shafi’i interprets it rather differently. It ends with the words alla ta’ulu, which is generally translated as ‘you may not do injustice’ i.e. do not marry more than one woman so that you may not do injustice. But Imam Shafi’i renders it as ‘so that you do not have a large family’. The Quran has already mentioned that ‘if you fear injustice then marry only one’ woman and so there was no need to repeat it. That is why Imam Shafi’i feels it should be translated as ‘so that you do not have a large family’.
It can be seen that in understanding the Quran even very eminent imams and great scholars differed with one another. One should not impose one single meaning of a verse on all Muslims. The Quran could be interpreted differently by different people in their own context and circumstances, as has historically been the practice. Family planning being a modern need, one should not reject it out of hand and quote Quranic verses out of context.
Family planning does not mean killing children after they are born but to plan the birth of children in a way that parents can bear all the expenses for their education, health, living space, upkeep, etc. in a proper manner. The Quran also suggests that a child be suckled for two years, and it is well known that as long as the mother suckles she may not conceive. Thus, indirectly, the Quran suggests spacing between children.
In hadith literature, we find that the Prophet (PBUH) permitted prevention of conceiving in certain circumstances. When a person asked the Prophet for permission for ‘azl (withdrawal) as he was going for a long journey along with his wife and he did not wish his wife to conceive, the Messenger of Allah allowed him. In those days this was the only known method for planning the birth of a child. Today there are several more methods available.
Imam Ghazali allows even termination of pregnancy if the mother’s life is in danger and suggests several methods for termination. He even allows termination of pregnancy on health grounds or if the mother’s beauty is in danger, provided it is in consultation with her husband. Some scholars referring to the verse 23:14 conclude that one can terminate pregnancy up to three months after conception as the Quran, in this verse, describes the stages of development of the sperm planted in the mother’s womb; it takes three months for life to begin.
However, many ulema today oppose the termination of pregnancy. Whatever the case one cannot declare family planning as prohibited in Islam as it in no way amounts to killing a child. Even the termination of a pregnancy is allowed in order to properly plan the birth of a child according to one’s financial resources.
The writer is an Islamic scholar who also heads the Centre for Study of Society & Secularism, Mumbai.

Afghanistan urged to ‘demonstrate responsibility’

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan urged the Afghan authorities on Thursday to demonstrate responsibility in the complex situation in the region.
“At this defining stage when challenges have multiplied, as have the opportunities, it is our expectation that everyone, especially those in position of authority in Afghanistan, will demonstrate maturity and responsibility. This is no time for point-scoring, playing politics or grandstanding,” Foreign Office spokesperson Tehmina Janjua said at a press briefing.
She said national interest would guide Pakistan’s foreign policy and response to all challenges at all times. “It has been made clear to everyone that safeguarding national interests is the primary focus of Pakistan’s foreign policy.”
Ms Janjua said Pakistan was aware of the regional complexities and was trying to address them, but others also needed to have
an objective appreciation of them.
About the reported arrest of six people in Afghanistan on the charge of plotting to assassinate President Hamid Karzai and having alleged links with North Waziristan, she said it was important to have the facts before making any statement.
“We should not fall prey to what has been given out without being sure of facts.” She advised the Afghan authorities to refrain from making irresponsible statements.
She said Afghanistan had sent some material to Pakistan in connection with the assassination of the Afghan peace council’s chief Burhanuddin Rabbani.
But what had been provided, she said, was a confessional statement of an Afghan national. She said the material was being examined.
The spokesperson said Pakistan was ready to provide any kind of assistance to Afghanistan in investigation, but this would obviously depend on the kind of evidence provided to it.
Answering a question about the change of venue of a trilateral meeting with the US and Afghanistan from Pakistan to Turkey, she said contacts among the three sides continued.
Interestingly, at the time of the briefing US Ambassador Cameron Munter was holding a meeting with Foreign Secretary Salman Bashir.
Ms Janjua said a number of statements emanating from different sections of the US administration underscored the importance of a cooperative relationship with Pakistan.
She said the Foreign Office and the US State Department were trying to ensure that relations between the two countries reflected the positives outlined by their leadership.
Answering a question about US media reports that the Americans themselves were engaged in secret contacts with the Haqqani network while they were accusing Pakistan, she said the situation in Afghanistan was obviously quite complex and that needed to be taken into account.
She said Pakistan wanted the situation in Afghanistan to calm down and to ensure that there was peace and stability in that country.
About the strategic partnership agreement signed by India and Afghanistan during President Karzai’s visit to New Delhi, she stressed that regional stability should not be affected in anyway.
“To achieve this we need to remain in a cooperative mode. Also, we continue to look at the agreement that has been signed between the two countries.”
Replying to a question about training of Afghan troops by India, she reiterated that details of the strategic partnership dialogue were being looked into and a number of elements enshrining it were being examined.
Answering a question about the Afghan ambassador’s meetings with the foreign secretary and the army chief, she said she was not aware if a specific message about the Rabbani case had been given.
The spokesperson said US Special Representative on Afghanistan and Pakistan Marc Grossman would come to Islamabad during his visit to the region but she could not confirm the date.
Asked what message would be conveyed to the US envoy in the light of the resolution of the all party conference, she said the most important message that was always given at the leadership level was that Pakistan was committed to peace and stability in Afghanistan and also to Afghan reconciliation.
Replying to another question, she said Pakistan had reminded the US State Department of its assurance to undertake an inquiry against CIA operative Raymond Davis.
Rejecting the Indian army chief’s concerns over what he termed the presence of three to four thousand Chinese armed forces personnel in Azad Kashmir, she said whatever work was being undertaken was in the context of development projects. She thanked the Chinese government for consenting to assist Pakistan in development efforts.

LPG price drops by Rs12 after PDL suspension
ISLAMABAD: The price of liquefied petroleum gas has declined by Rs12 per kg across the country as the Petroleum Development Levy (PDL) imposed on LPG has been suspended by the Lahore High Court.
With the suspension of the levy, which was implemented on the local producers under the LPG Policy 2011, the JJVL, Parco, OGDCL etc., have reduced the price by around Rs11,500 per ton.
The decline means a drop of Rs140 per domestic cylinder, the rate of commercial cylinder has declined by Rs560 effective from Thursday across the country.
Since the LPG is deregulated sector its prices are determined by demand and supply mechanism, however, due to travelling distance the prices are different in various cities.
The Lahore High Court has suspended the three key clauses of the LPG Policy 2011 which made it mandatory on the LPG producers to import 20 per cent of their sales and the authorising the SSGC and the SNGPL rights to all the production and filling units in the country.
The LPG Association approached for the LHC to get these clauses suspended.
“The local LPG industry had no option but to approach the courts given the ministry’s open hostility,” said Belal Jabbar, spokesman for the LPG Association of Pakistan (LPGAP).
“The directives of Lahore High Court have impacted the market very positively, prices have come down,” he said, adding “even now, we request and urge the ministry and Ogra to exercise prudence and work with the LPG industry to promote and protect the public and national interest.”
He said that the LPG industry considered the suspended clauses as ‘controversial’ because they were aimed at providing monopoly rights to the public sector, raising local LPG prices through imposition of a special tax and force the LPG marketing companies to purchase imported LPG from brokers which possibly would be the subsidiaries of SNGPL and the SSGC.
Different LPG marketing companies have filed three cases so far against the LPG policy, which was formulated without stakeholders’ input.
Member of the LPG Association, Fasih Ahmed said that the companies had to take the legal course after petroleum ministry declined to discuss the issues with LPG producers and LPG marketing companies despite repeated requests.
After the massive reduction in prices by the producers the new LPG rates for Karachi is between Rs93 and Rs105 per kg where the domestic cylinder costs Rs1,070 to Rs1,210.
The new rates for Lahore, Sialkot, Gujrat, Gujranwala, Sargodah, Faisalabad, Jhang, Khanewal and Mirpur areas are Rs98 to Rs110 per kg, where the price of domestic cylinder has declined to Rs1,130-Rs1,270.
In Dera Ghazi Khan, Jhang, Multan, Rahim Yar Khan, Bahawalpur and Dera Ismail Khan, the LPG price is Rs108-Rs120 per kg.
The decline has benefited the residents of Murree, Rawalpindi and Islamabad where the average price of LPG ranges between
Rs118 and Rs130 per kg.
For the Swat, Balakot and parts of Azad Kashmir the new LPG price is Rs123 to Rs135 per kg, in Gilgit-Baltistan and FATA region the LPG prices are between Rs128 and Rs140 per kg, the price of one domestic cylinder in these areas ranges between Rs1,490-Rs1,630.

Swedish poet wins Nobel

STOCKHOLM, Oct 6: Swedish poet Tomas Transtroemer, whose simple but mystical imagery addresses themes of nature, history and death, won the 2011 Nobel Literature Prize on Thursday.
Transtroemer, 80, was honoured “because, through his condensed, translucent images, he gives us fresh access to reality,” the Swedish Academy`s jury said.
His poetry is filled with imagination and emotion, but is also riddled with the unexpected, making his work at times both disorienting and refreshing.
Scandinavia`s most famous living poet, Transtroemer has been called a master of mysticism who often presents a dream-like consciousness in which time slows to allow for dissection of the relationship between the inner self and the surrounding world.
“Most of Transtroemer`s poetry collections are characterised by economy, concreteness and poignant metaphors. In his latest collections… Transtroemer has shifted towards an even smaller format and a higher degree of concentration,” it added.
Transtroemer suffered a stroke in 1990 which affected his ability to talk.
An amateur pianist, he plays the piano every day, using his left hand, the right damaged by the stroke, and spends his mornings listening to classical music.
He was listening to music when Thursday`s call came from the Swedish Academy.
The academy`s permanent secretary, Peter Englund, told Swedish television that Transtroemer had been nominated for the prize every year since 1993.
His work is “about death and history and memory, watching us, creating us, and that makes us important because human beings are sort of the prison where all these great entities meet,” Englund told the nobelprize.org website.
“It makes us important, so you can never feel small after reading the poetry of Transtroemer,” he said.
“He has quite a small production really, you could fit it into a not-too-large pocket book, all of it. So he has a very fast and very well contained production. He is not a prolific author,” Englund said.
Transtroemer`s reputation in the English-speaking world owes much to his friendship with American poet Robert Bly, who has translated much of his work into English, one of 60 languages in which his poems have appeared.
His work paints simple pictures from everyday life and nature, as seen in the following haiku, published in his collection The Great Enigma in 2006:
“Afterglow – looking at me, tugboats with bulldog`s faces”
His introspective style, described by Publishers Weekly as “mystical, versatile and sad”, is in contrast with Transtroemer`s life, which shows a constant, active commitment to working for a better world — and not just by writing poems.
In his parallel careers as psychologist and poet, he also worked with the disabled, convicts and drug addicts while, at the same time, producing poetic work.
His wife Monica told Swedish news agency TT her husband was surprised to win the prestigious accolade.
“He did not think he would get to experience this,” she said, adding that a swarm of reporters — who have year after year gathered outside the couple`s apartment building in anticipation of a Nobel announcement — was at their home.
“He also says he is comfortable with all these people who are coming to congratulate him and take pictures,” she said.
Transtroemer has sold thousands of volumes in his native country.
His books of poetry include `The Great Enigma: New Collected Poems` (New Directions, 2006), `The Half-Finished Heaven` (2001); `New Collected Poems` (1997); `For the Living and the Dead` (1995); `Baltics` (1975); and `Windows and Stones` (1972), an International Poetry Forum Selection and a runner-up for the National Book Award for translation.—AFP

Nato says Libya mission not to end soon

BRUSSELS, Oct 6: Nato ministers said on Thursday that the bombing campaign in Libya, now in its seventh month, will continue until armed resistance to the new pro-western regime ceases.
US Defence Secretary Leon Panetta — speaking at a meeting of Nato defence ministers dedicated mainly to Afghanistan and Libya — said a decision to cease bombing will depend on events in the coastal town of Sirte where forces loyal to Muammar Qadhafi remain in control, whether Qadhafi’s forces continue to threaten civilians, and whether the former strongman retains a command role.
Panetta said the ministers agreed that the decision to cease operations would also depend on the ability of the anti-Qadhafi forces to confront armed resistance.
French Defence Minister Gerard Longuet also underlined that the airstrikes will not cease until all remaining pockets of resistance are suppressed and the new government asks for them to end.
“Sirte has an extremely symbolic value, but it’s not all of Libya,” Longuet said as he arrived for the second and final day of the conference. “There is pro-Qadhafi resistance in Bani Walid and dispersed resistance in the south of the country.”
Other officials echoed their words, leaving open the possibility that the bombing could be extended for a further 3-month period if pro-Qadhafi forces continue fighting.
Nato has carried out more than 9,300 airstrikes since the campaign started in March. The military alliance has been criticised for allegedly overstepping UN Security Council resolution that created a no-fly zone and authorised the protection of civilians
caught up in the fighting.
Military commanders have said they believe the military mission is largely complete, and could begin wrapping up soon. But the public message from Panetta and other leaders suggests the campaign could continue for some time, as long as the fighting continues.
Nato said that despite calls for it to intervene in Syria, it has no intention of launching a similar operation there. Almost 3,000 people have been killed in protests against President Bashar Assad’s regime in the past six months.
“We took on responsibility in Libya because there was a clear UN mandate and because we received clear support from countries in the region,” Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen said. “None of these conditions are fulfilled in regards to
Syria, and these conditions are essential.”
On Afghanistan, ministers expressed confidence that the plan to gradually turn over responsibility to Afghan army and police remains on track. The 140,000-strong Nato-led force plans to cease combat operations in 2014.
“The Afghan forces are increasingly showing that they are capable of taking on the insurgents,” Fogh Rasmussen said.

Syria: threat of armed uprising grows

BEIRUT/WASHINGTON: An armed insurrection inside Syria looks set to gather momentum after the failure to pass a UN resolution against president Bashar al-Assad’s regime, according to dissidents in two key Syrian cities.
Activists from Homs and Hama, where mostly peaceful protests over the past six months have lately become more aggressive and armed, say the failure of the US effort to threaten sanctions against Syria has convinced some that diplomacy cannot protect them.
“There’s no way out of this except to fight,” said an activist from Homs. “For the people of Homs the international community are not with us and we know that for sure. Russia and China will continue to protect Assad and as long as that happens, he will hunt us down.”
Britain, France and the US are expected to seek a fresh resolution on Syria before the UN Security Council after Russia and China on Tuesday night vetoed a draft that threatened sanctions, a Security Council source said on Wednesday.
The veto by Russia, supported by China, provoked the biggest verbal explosion from the US at the UN for years, with its ambassador Susan Rice expressing outrage over the Moscow and Beijing move.
Rice also walked out of the Security Council, the first such demonstration in recent years.
While walkouts are common at the UN general assembly, they are rare in the Security Council.
“It will not go away,” the source said. “It will not be next week. We don’t have a date. But there are a number of ways the Security Council can get back to this.”
The vote was 9-2 in favour, with four abstentions: South Africa, India, Brazil and Lebanon. The draft resolution on Tuesday only said the Security Council would “consider its options” in 30 days’ time if Assad failed to stop the violence and seek a peaceful settlement of the crisis.
It said the options would include sanctions. To further water down the resolution in an attempt to make it more acceptable to Russia and China, there was no hint of military intervention.
In Homs, where government forces are routinely clashing with armed members of the opposition — many of them former soldiers who defected with their weapons — outgunned protesters are now openly seeking weapons from outside the country

India may rue the day it backed Afghan regime

NEW DELHI: India’s decision to underwrite and, in effect, guarantee Hamid Karzai’s feeble Afghan government is not wholly lacking in logic. In a strategic pact signed on Tuesday, the two countries pledged to co-operate on trade and counter-terrorism, and Delhi agreed to train and equip Afghan security forces. With US and Nato forces edging towards the exit in 2014, it follows that Delhi, the region’s military and economic heavyweight and an aspiring superpower, should take up the strategic slack. But that is not how Pakistan or the Taliban will see the newly announced bilateral security, political and commercial “partnership”. India may yet pay heavily for its presumption.
India’s role, or “meddling”, in Afghanistan is already viewed with enormous suspicion in Islamabad, which nurtures a visceral fear of encirclement arising from its bruising, losing wars with its neighbour.
“Pakistan has pursued a double game toward Afghanistan, and using terrorism as a means continues,” Karzai complained this week before travelling to India. Pakistan — or at least elements of its security services — has been accused by Kabul of
complicity in last month’s murder of Burhanuddin Rabbani, the former Afghan president and peace talks negotiator. India, meanwhile, has detected Pakistan’s hand in the bombing of its Kabul embassy in 2008 and 2009, as well as terrorist attacks on Indian soil. Pakistan denies all the allegations.
Demonstrating that he, too, can play both sides against the middle, Karzai offered reassurances on Wednesday that the partnership deal with India was not aimed at Islamabad. “Pakistan is a twin brother, India is a great friend. The agreement that we signed yesterday with our friend will not affect our brother … the signing of the strategic partnership with India is not directed against any country. It is not directed against any other entity,” he said.
Karzai’s sudden attack of tact is not born of bonhomie. It reflects the political reality that a lasting settlement in Afghanistan is impossible without Pakistan’s agreement, or at least acquiescence. Karzai’s attempt to sweeten the pill may also reflect his desire to keep open the possibility of a negotiated settlement with the many-headed Taliban despite the continuing insurgent violence. The Taliban will not have forgotten India’s backing of the non-Pashtun Northern Alliance in the 1990s, which eventually swept them from power in 2001 with US help. The idea of India playing an enhanced security role inside Afghanistan, as agreed in Delhi this week, is thus likely to be rejected by them as more unwelcome foreign interference. Karzai noted bitterly last week that if peace were ever to come to Afghanistan, his government needed to talk to Pakistan, not India or the US.
India has been expanding its involvement in Afghanistan since 2001, opening provincial consulates, embarking on road and infrastructure programmes, and donating about $2bn in bilateral aid. But this week’s agreement represents a substantial and risky increased commitment. Nobody in Delhi is talking about Indian troops or security forces on the ground in Afghanistan.
But the Afghan forces training role India has accepted marks it out as Nato’s successor, and potentially a target for insurgent wrath.
Manmohan Singh, India’s prime minister, seemed to brush aside such concerns when he met Karzai. “India will stand by the people of Afghanistan as they prepare to assume responsibility for governance and security after the withdrawal of international forces in 2014,” Singh said. These are fateful words. They may come back to haunt the Indians.India’s leaders one day may come to rue their vainglorious generosity in picking up the hot potato that the US, Britain and the rest all gingerly dropped. It seems a high price to pay for outflanking Pakistan

Military ruler says Egypt in a critical phase

CAIRO: Egypt’s military ruler said on Thursday the country was going through a critical period, particularly on the security and economic fronts, and called for national unity to achieve a democratic state under civilian rule.Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, delivering a televised address to mark the 1973 war against Israel, also said disagreements and mistrust have plagued the period following the uprising that ousted former President Hosni Mubarak in February.
Protesters and political groups have widely criticised Tantawi for his reluctance to implement sweeping changes and dismantle elements of the former regime.
“Egypt is going through a critical period of its history. It is witnessing a comprehensive transformation of its national course … as changes and crises loom in the horizon,” Tantawi said. “People, despite their different political and non-political orientations, must realize the ramifications and what it takes to get out of that rough road.”
“Our great people … will be able to get over this critical and decisive phase of its history by agreeing on national goals, and protecting its unity and seeking a modern civil state based on sound democratic principles,” he said. He added that the ruling generals are working to overcome disagreements and mistrust that have plagued the transitional period, and address the looming economic and security problems.
Government officials have been sounding alarm bells about worsening economic indicators in Egypt since the revolt that toppled Mubarak on Feb. 11. They point to declining foreign reserves and tourism revenues, as well as a growing trend among local investors to withhold their cash because of uncertainty over the nation’s political and economic future.
A rise in crime and lawless has raised tensions in Egypt, where security forces have yet to redeploy in full since disappearing from the streets during the mass uprising.
Complicating the situation is growing mistrust between Egypt’s news political actors and the ruling generals, who took over from Mubarak in February. Activists and political groups are increasingly critical of the generals’ management of the transitional period, which they promised it would be a six-month period.
Eight months since Mubarak’s fall, the military rulers have yet to give a clear timetable of their plan for handing over power.
Instead, they have floated a proposal which would hold presidential elections by late next year. This prompted several presidential hopefuls to propose their own demands, asking the military to arrange for presidential elections by April.
Tantawi dismissed such claims on Wednesday, insisting the military rulers have no intentions of clinging to power.
Tantawi’s speech Thursday also provided him the opportunity to praise the role of the country’s armed forces, in the face of rising criticism of the military rulers. During the 1973 war, the Egyptian military recovered from its stinging defeat in the
1967 Mideast conflict — when Israel captured the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, the West Bank and east Jerusalem — to attack the Israeli military and restore Egyptians’ faith in their military.
Fighter jets soared over the Nile in downtown Cairo to commemorate the anniversary Thursday, leaving a trail of red, blue and white smoke. “A salute to the great Egyptian people who were patient, and put up with burdens and challenges, and supporting its Armed Forces, trusting that its stronghold,” he said.
Some Egyptians, however, chose to commemorate the event with a visit to Mubarak, who was the nation’s air force chief during the 1973 conflict, at the hospital where he is staying during his trial over his alleged role in the killing of hundreds of protesters during the uprising.
Dozens of his supporters brought flowers and banners, one of which called Mubarak “The leader of war and peace,” a security official said on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media.—AP

Steve Jobs told us what we needed before we knew: By Guardian UK

JORDAN ROBERTSON
AP Technology Writer= SAN FRANCISCO (AP) — Steve Jobs saw the future and led the world to it. He moved technology from garages to pockets, took entertainment from discs to bytes and turned gadgets into extensions of the people who use them.
Jobs, who founded and ran Apple, told us what we needed before we wanted it.
"To some people, this is like Elvis Presley or John Lennon. It's a change in our times. It's the end of an era," said Scott Robbins, 34, a barber and an Apple fan. "It's like the end of the innovators."
Apple announced his death without giving a specific cause. He died peacefully on Wednesday, according to a statement from family members who were present. He was 56.
"Steve's brilliance, passion and energy were the source of countless innovations that enrich and improve all of our lives," Apple's board said in a statement. "The world is immeasurably better because of Steve."
President Barack Obama said in a statement that Jobs "exemplified the spirit of American ingenuity."
"Steve was among the greatest of American innovators — brave enough to think differently, bold enough to believe he could change the world and talented enough to do it," he said.
Jobs had battled cancer in 2004 and underwent a liver transplant in 2009 after taking a leave of absence for unspecified health problems. He took another leave of absence in January — his third since his health problems began — and resigned in August. Jobs became Apple's chairman and handed the CEO job over to his hand-picked successor, Tim Cook.
Outside Apple's Cupertino headquarters, three flags — an American flag, a California state flag and an Apple flag — were flying at half-staff late Wednesday.
"Those of us who have been fortunate enough to know and work with Steve have lost a dear friend and an inspiring mentor." Cook wrote in an email to Apple's employees. "Steve leaves behind a company that only he could have built, and his spirit will forever be the foundation of Apple."
The news Apple fans and shareholders had been dreading came the day after Apple unveiled its latest iPhone, a device that got a lukewarm reception. Perhaps, there would have been more excitement had Jobs been well enough to show it off with his trademark theatrics.
Jobs started Apple with a high school friend in a Silicon Valley garage in 1976, was forced out a decade later and returned in 1997 to rescue the company. During his second stint, it grew into the most valuable technology company in the world with a market value of $351 billion. Almost all that wealth has been created since Jobs' return.
Cultivating Apple's countercultural sensibility and a minimalist design ethic, Jobs rolled out one sensational product after another, even in the face of the late-2000s recession and his own failing health.
He helped change computers from a geeky hobbyist's obsession to a necessity of modern life at work and home, and in the process he upended not just personal technology but the cellphone and music industries.
For transformation of American industry, he has few rivals. He has long been linked to his personal computer-age contemporary, Bill Gates, and has drawn comparisons to other creative geniuses such as Walt Disney. Jobs died as Walt Disney Co.'s largest shareholder, a by-product of his decision to sell computer animation studio Pixar in 2006.
Perhaps most influentially, Jobs in 2001 launched the iPod, which offered "1,000 songs in your pocket." Over the next 10 years, its white earphones and thumb-dial control seemed to become more ubiquitous than the wristwatch.
In 2007 came the touch-screen iPhone, joined a year later by Apple's App Store, where developers could sell iPhone "apps" which made the phone a device not just for making calls but also for managing money, editing photos, playing games and social networking. And in 2010, Jobs introduced the iPad, a tablet-sized, all-touch computer that took off even though market analysts said no one really needed one.
By 2011, Apple had become the second-largest company of any kind in the United States by market value. In August, it briefly surpassed Exxon Mobil as the most valuable company.
Under Jobs, the company cloaked itself in secrecy to build frenzied anticipation for each of its new products. Jobs himself had a wizardly sense of what his customers wanted, and where demand didn't exist, he leveraged a cult-like following to create it.
When he spoke at Apple presentations, almost always in faded blue jeans, sneakers and a black mock turtleneck, legions of Apple acolytes listened to every word. He often boasted about Apple successes, then coyly added a coda — "one more thing" — before introducing its latest ambitious idea.
In later years, Apple investors also watched these appearances for clues about his health. Jobs revealed in 2004 that he had been diagnosed with a very rare form of pancreatic cancer — an islet cell neuroendocrine tumor. He underwent surgery and said he had been cured. In 2009, following weight loss he initially attributed to a hormonal imbalance, he abruptly took a six-month leave. During that time, he received a liver transplant that became public two months after it was performed.
He went on another medical leave in January 2011, this time for an unspecified duration. He never went back and resigned as CEO in August, though he stayed on as chairman. Consistent with his penchant for secrecy, he didn't reference his illness in his resignation letter.
Steven Paul Jobs was born Feb. 24, 1955, in San Francisco to Joanne Simpson, then an unmarried graduate student, and Abdulfattah Jandali, a student from Syria. Simpson gave Jobs up for adoption, though she married Jandali and a few years later had a second child with him, Mona Simpson, who became a novelist.
Steven was adopted by Clara and Paul Jobs of Los Altos, California, a working-class couple who nurtured his early interest in electronics. He saw his first computer terminal at NASA's Ames Research Center when he was around 11 and landed a summer job at Hewlett-Packard before he had finished high school.
Jobs enrolled in Reed College in Portland, Ore., in 1972 but dropped out after six months.
"All of my working-class parents' savings were being spent on my college tuition. After six months, I couldn't see the value in it," he said at a Stanford University commencement address in 2005. "I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life and no idea how college was going to help me figure it out."
When he returned to California in 1974, Jobs worked for video game maker Atari and attended meetings of the Homebrew Computer Club — a group of computer hobbyists — with Steve Wozniak, a high school friend who was a few years older.
Wozniak's homemade computer drew attention from other enthusiasts, but Jobs saw its potential far beyond the geeky hobbyists of the time. The pair started Apple Computer Inc. in Jobs' parents' garage in 1976. According to Wozniak, Jobs suggested the name after visiting an "apple orchard" that Wozniak said was actually a commune.
Their first creation was the Apple I — essentially, the guts of a computer without a case, keyboard or monitor.
The Apple II, which hit the market in 1977, was their first machine for the masses. It became so popular that Jobs was worth $100 million by age 25.
During a 1979 visit to the Xerox Palo Alto Research Center, Jobs again spotted mass potential in a niche invention: a computer that allowed people to control computers with the click of a mouse, not typed commands. He returned to Apple and ordered his engineering team to copy what he had seen.
It foreshadowed a propensity to take other people's concepts, improve on them and spin them into wildly successful products. Under Jobs, Apple didn't invent computers, digital music players or smartphones — it reinvented them for people who didn't want to learn computer programming or negotiate the technical hassles of keeping their gadgets working.
"We have always been shameless about stealing great ideas," Jobs said in an interview for the 1996 PBS series "Triumph of the Nerds."
The engineers responded with two computers. The pricier Lisa — the same name as his daughter — launched to a cool reception in 1983. The less-expensive Macintosh, named for an employee's favorite apple, exploded onto the scene in 1984.
The Mac was heralded by an epic Super Bowl commercial that referenced George Orwell's "1984" and captured Apple's iconoclastic style. In the ad, expressionless drones marched through dark halls to an auditorium where a Big Brother-like figure lectures on a big screen. A woman in a bright track uniform burst into the hall and launched a hammer into the screen, which exploded, stunning the drones, as a narrator announced the arrival of the Mac.
There were early stumbles at Apple. Jobs clashed with colleagues and even the CEO he had hired away from Pepsi, John Sculley. And after an initial spike, Mac sales slowed, in part because few programs had been written for it.
With Apple's stock price sinking, conflicts between Jobs and Sculley mounted. Sculley won over the board in 1985 and pushed Jobs out of his day-to-day role leading the Macintosh team. Jobs resigned his post as chairman of the board and left Apple within months.
"What had been the focus of my entire adult life was gone, and it was devastating," Jobs said in his Stanford speech. "I didn't see it then, but it turned out that getting fired from Apple was the best thing that could have ever happened to me. The heaviness of being successful was replaced by the lightness of being a beginner again, less sure about everything. It freed me to enter one of the most creative periods of my life."
He got into two other companies: Next, a computer maker, and Pixar, a computer-animation studio that he bought from George Lucas for $10 million.
Pixar, ultimately the more successful venture, seemed at first a bottomless money pit. Then in 1995 came "Toy Story," the first computer-animated full-length feature. Jobs used its success to negotiate a sweeter deal with Disney for Pixar's next two films, "A Bug's Life" and "Toy Story 2." Jobs sold Pixar to The Walt Disney Co. for $7.4 billion in stock in a deal that got him a seat on Disney's board and 138 million shares of stock that accounted for most of his fortune. Forbes magazine estimated Jobs was worth $7 billion in a survey last month.
With Next, Jobs came up with a cube-shaped computer. He was said to be obsessive about the tiniest details, insisting on design perfection even for the machine's guts. The machine cost a pricey $6,500 to $10,000, and he never managed to spark much demand for it.
Ultimately, he shifted the focus to software — a move that paid off later when Apple bought Next for its operating system technology, the basis for the software still used in Mac computers.
By 1996, when Apple bought Next, Apple was in dire financial straits. It had lost more than $800 million in a year, dragged its heels in licensing Mac software for other computers and surrendered most of its market share to PCs that ran Windows.
Larry Ellison, Jobs' close friend and fellow Silicon Valley billionaire and the CEO of Oracle Corp., publicly contemplated buying Apple in early 1997 and ousting its leadership. The idea fizzled, but Jobs stepped in as interim chief later that year.
He slashed unprofitable projects, narrowed the company's focus and presided over a new marketing push to set the Mac apart from Windows, starting with a campaign encouraging computer users to "Think different."
Apple's first new product under his direction, the brightly colored, plastic iMac, launched in 1998 and sold about 2 million in its first year. Apple returned to profitability that year. Jobs dropped the "interim" from his title in 2000.
He changed his style, too, said Tim Bajarin, who met Jobs several times while covering the company for Creative Strategies.
"In the early days, he was in charge of every detail. The only way you could say it is, he was kind of a control freak," he said. In his second stint, "he clearly was much more mellow and more mature."
In the decade that followed, Jobs kept Apple profitable while pushing out an impressive roster of new products.
Apple's popularity exploded in the 2000s. The iPod, smaller and sleeker with each generation, introduced many lifelong Windows users to their first Apple gadget.
The arrival of the iTunes music store in 2003 gave people a convenient way to buy music legally online, song by song. For the music industry, it was a mixed blessing. The industry got a way to reach Internet-savvy people who, in the age of Napster, were growing accustomed to downloading music free. But online sales also hastened the demise of CDs and established Apple as a gatekeeper, resulting in battles between Jobs and music executives over pricing and other issues.
Jobs' command over gadget lovers and pop culture swelled to the point that, on the eve of the iPhone's launch in 2007, faithful followers slept on sidewalks outside posh Apple stores for the chance to buy one. Three years later, at the iPad's debut, the lines snaked around blocks and out through parking lots, even though people had the option to order one in advance.
The decade was not without its glitches. In the mid-2000s, Apple was swept up in a Securities and Exchange Commission inquiry into stock options backdating, a practice that artificially raised the value of options grants. But Jobs and Apple emerged unscathed after two former executives took the fall and eventually settled with the SEC.
Jobs' personal ethos — a natural food lover who embraced Buddhism and New Age philosophy — was closely linked to the public persona he shaped for Apple. Apple itself became a statement against the commoditization of technology — a cynical view, to be sure, from a company whose computers can cost three or more times as much as those of its rivals.
For technology lovers, buying Apple products has meant gaining entrance to an exclusive club. At the top was a complicated and contradictory figure who was endlessly fascinating — even to his detractors, of which Jobs had many. Jobs was a hero to techno-geeks and a villain to partners he bullied and to workers whose projects he unceremoniously killed or claimed as his own.
Unauthorized biographer Alan Deutschman described him as "deeply moody and maddeningly erratic." In his personal life, Jobs denied for two years that he was the father of Lisa, the baby born to his longtime girlfriend Chrisann Brennan in 1978.
Few seemed immune to Jobs' charisma and will. He could adeptly convince those in his presence of just about anything — even if they disagreed again when he left the room and his magic wore off.
"He always has an aura around his persona," said Bajarin, who met Jobs several times while covering the company for more than 20 years as a Creative Strategies analyst. "When you talk to him, you know you're really talking to a brilliant mind."
But Bajarin also remembers Jobs lashing out with profanity at an employee who interrupted their meeting. Jobs, the perfectionist, demanded greatness from everyone at Apple.
Jobs valued his privacy, but some details of his romantic and family life have been uncovered. In the early 1980s, Jobs dated the folk singer Joan Baez, according to Deutschman.
In 1989, Jobs spoke at Stanford's graduate business school and met his wife, Laurene Powell, who was then a student. When she became pregnant, Jobs at first refused to marry her. It was a near-repeat of what had happened more than a decade earlier with then-girlfriend Brennan, Deutschman said, but eventually Jobs relented.
Jobs started looking for his biological family in his teens, according to an interview he gave to The New York Times in 1997. He found his biological sister when he was 27. They became friends, and through her Jobs met his biological mother. Few details of those relationships have been made public.
But the extent of Apple secrecy didn't become clear until Jobs revealed in 2004 that he had been diagnosed with — and "cured" of — a rare form of operable pancreatic cancer called an islet cell neuroendocrine tumor. The company had sat on the news of his diagnosis for nine months while Jobs tried trumping the disease with a special diet, Fortune magazine reported in 2008.
In the years after his cancer was revealed, rumors about Jobs' health would spark runs on Apple stock as investors worried the company, with no clear succession plan, would fall apart without him. Apple did little to ease those concerns. It kept the state of Jobs' health a secret for as long as it could, then disclosed vague details when, in early 2009, it became clear he was again ill.
Jobs took a half-year medical leave of absence starting in January 2009, during which he had a liver transplant. Apple did not disclose the procedure at the time; two months later, The Wall Street Journal reported the fact and a doctor at the transplant hospital confirmed it.
In January 2011, Jobs announced another medical leave, his third, with no set duration. He returned to the spotlight briefly in March to personally unveil a second-generation iPad and again in June, when he showed off Apple's iCloud music synching service. At both events, he looked frail in his signature jeans and mock turtleneck.
Less than three months later, Jobs resigned as CEO. In a letter addressed to Apple's board and the "Apple community" Jobs said he "always said if there ever came a day when I could no longer meet my duties and expectations as Apple's CEO, I would be the first to let you know. Unfortunately, that day has come."
In 2005, following the bout with cancer, Jobs delivered Stanford University's commencement speech.
"Remembering that I'll be dead soon is the most important tool I've ever encountered to help me make the big choices in life," he said. "Because almost everything — all external expectations, all pride, all fear of embarrassment or failure — these things just fall away in the face of death, leaving only what is truly important."
Jobs is survived by his biological mother; his sister Mona Simpson; Lisa Brennan-Jobs, his daughter with Brennan; wife Laurene, and their three children, Erin, Reed and Eve.
Source: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/feedarticle/9883188